Morocco is endowed with numerous exploitable resources. With approximately 33,000 square miles (85,000 square km) of arable land (one-seventh of which can be irrigated) and its generally temperate Mediterranean climate, Morocco’s agricultural potential is matched by few other Arab or African countries. It is one of the few Arab countries that has the potential to achieve self-sufficiency in food production. In a normal year Morocco produces two-thirds of the grains (chiefly wheat, barley, and corn [maize]) needed for domestic consumption. The country exports citrus fruits and early vegetables to the European market; its wine industry is developed, and production of commercial crops (cotton, sugarcane, sugar beets, and sunflowers) is expanding. Newer crops such as tea, tobacco, and soybeans have passed the experimental stage, the fertile Gharb plain being favourable for their cultivation. The country is actively developing its irrigation potential that ultimately will irrigate more than 2.5 million acres (1 million hectares).
A major weakness in Morocco’s resource inventory is its shortage of domestic energy sources. Oil exploration has been disappointing, although the country possesses some natural gas reserves that have been exploited. Its hydroelectric potential is considerable and now being tapped. Morocco must cover the bulk of its growing energy needs through imports, principally crude petroleum, which is refined domestically. Thermal power plants produce much of the country’s electricity.
Manufacturing
Manufacturing accounts for about one-sixth of GDP and is steadily growing in importance in the economy. Two particularly important components of the country’s industrial makeup are processing raw materials for export and manufacturing consumer goods for the domestic market. Many operations date to the colonial period. Until the early 1980s, government involvement was dominant and the major focus was on import substitution. Since then the emphasis has shifted to privatizing state operations and attracting new private investment, including foreign sources. Processing phosphate ore into fertilizers and phosphoric acid for export is a major economic activity. Food processing for export (canning fish, fresh vegetables, and fruit) as well as for domestic needs (flour milling and sugar refining) is also important, and the manufacture of textiles and clothes using domestically produced cotton and wool is a major source of foreign exchange. Morocco’s iron and steel manufacturing industry is small but provides a significant share of the country’s domestic needs.
Finance
Morocco’s central bank, the Bank al-Maghrib, plays a preeminent role in the country’s banking system. It issues the Moroccan dirham, maintains Morocco’s foreign currency reserves, controls the credit supply, oversees the government’s specialized lending organizations, and regulates the commercial banking industry. Privatization has stimulated activity on the Casablanca Stock Exchange (Bourse de Casablanca—founded in 1929—is one of the oldest exchanges in Africa), notably trade in shares of large former state-owned operations.
Trade
Government attempts to increase exports and control imports have had some success, and a chronic annual trade deficit has begun to narrow. By the 1990s Morocco had also significantly lowered its foreign debt. The three leading exports are agricultural produce (citrus fruits and market vegetables), semiprocessed goods and consumer goods (including textiles), and phosphates and phosphate products. Major imports are semimanufactures and industrial equipment, crude oil, and food commodities. Morocco’s largest trading partner is the EU. Because Morocco’s trade with Europe has been so significant, an important development of the 1990s was negotiating a formal association with the EU, including an agreement to create, over time, a Euro-Mediterranean free trade zone. Other trade accords have also been negotiated to mitigate the dependence on Europe, including an agreement with North American Free Trade Agreement countries and bilateral arrangements with other countries in the Middle East and North Africa. In 2004 a Free Trade Agreement was signed with the United States.
Services
Services, including government and military expenditures, account for about one-fourth of Morocco’s GDP. Government spending alone, despite an ongoing effort on the part of the government to sell much of its assets to private concerns, accounts for fully half of the service economy. Since the mid-1980s tourism and associated services have been an increasingly significant sector of the Moroccan economy and by the late 1990s had become the country’s largest source of foreign currency. During that time the Moroccan government committed significant resources—by way of loans and tax exemptions—to the development of the tourist industry and associated services. The government also made direct capital investments in the development of the service sector, but since the early 1990s it has begun to divest itself of these properties. Several million visitors enter Morocco yearly, most of them from Europe. Tourists also arrive from Algeria, the United States, and East Asia, mainly Japan.
Labour and taxation
Roughly one-third of the population is employed in agriculture, another one-third make their living in mining, manufacturing, and construction, and the remainder are occupied in the trade, finance, and service sectors. Not included in these estimates is a large informal economy of street vendors, domestic workers, and other underemployed and poorly paid individuals. High unemployment is a problem; the official figure is roughly one-fifth of the workforce, but unofficial estimates are much higher, and—in a pattern typical of most Middle Eastern and North African countries—unemployment among university graduates holding nontechnical degrees is especially high. Several trade unions exist in the country; the largest of these, with nearly 700,000 members, is L’Union Marocaine du Travail, which is affiliated with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
Tax revenues provide the largest part of the general budget. Taxes are levied on individuals, corporations, goods and services, and tobacco and petroleum products.
Transportation and telecommunications
Morocco’s road network effectively integrates the country’s diverse regions. Established during the colonial period, the network has been well maintained and gradually expanded since. The railway system connects the principal urban centres of the north, and new rail links, together with improved roads, are being established to El-Aaiún (Laâyoune) in Western Sahara. Morocco has some two dozen ports along its lengthy coastline. Casablanca alone accounts for about half of all port tonnage handled, although port facilities in Tangier are of increasing significance. Other major ports include Safi, Mohammedia, Agadir, Nador, Kenitra, and El Jorf Lasfar. About a dozen airports capable of accommodating large aircraft service the country; the principal international airport is located near Casablanca. The state-owned Royal Air Maroc (RAM) airline provides regular service to Europe, North America, the Middle East, and western Africa.
In the late 1980s and early ’90s the government undertook a major expansion and modernization of the telecommunications system. This nearly quadrupled the number of internal telephone lines and greatly improved international communications. In 1996 the state-owned telecommunications industry was opened up to privatization by a new law that allowed private investment in the retail sector, while the state retained control of fixed assets. In 1998 the government created Maroc Telecom (Ittiṣālāt al-Maghrib), which provides telephone, cellular, and Internet service for the country. Satellite dishes are found on the roofs of houses in even the poorest neighbourhoods, suggesting that Moroccans at every social and economic level have access to the global telecommunications network. The Internet has made steady inroads in Morocco; major institutions have direct access to it, while private individuals can connect via telecommunications “boutiques,” a version of the cyber cafés found in many Western countries, and through home computers.
Government and society
Constitutional framework
Morocco is a constitutional monarchy with two legislative houses. According to the constitution promulgated in 2011, political power in Morocco is to be shared between the hereditary monarch and an elected bicameral parliament, consisting of the House of Councillors (Majlis al-Mustashārīn; upper chamber) and the House of Representatives (Majlis al-Nawāb; lower chamber). A prime minister heads the cabinet, which constitutes the executive.
Despite the existence of a constitution, a legislature, and a number of active political parties, however, the king continues to wield broad political authority, promulgating legislation, choosing the prime minister from the largest party in parliament, and approving government appointments. He holds absolute authority over religious affairs, the armed forces, and national security policy.
The overwhelming authority of the monarch in political life has been a subject of intense debate and criticism. Since the mid-1990s, political reforms to strengthen representative institutions, enhance the authority of the parliament and cabinet, increase political participation, and limit the king’s ability to manipulate political affairs have been enacted under pressure both from internal opposition groups and from groups outside the country. In July 2011, Moroccan voters approved a new constitution proposed by King Muḥammad VI. The new constitution expanded the powers of the parliament and the prime minister but left the king with broad authority over all branches of government. The constitution also featured a new section promoting cultural pluralism in Morocco and granted the Tamazight language recognition as an official language.
Local government
At the local level, Morocco is subdivided into multiple levels of government, all directly under the Ministry of the Interior. At the top are 16 regions, which are further divided into several dozen provinces and urban prefectures, each ruled by a governor appointed by the king. Beneath this second-order subdivision are rural qaḍawāt (districts) and municipalities, governed by chefs de cercle. The fourth level comprises rural communes and autonomous urban centres, governed respectively by qāʾids (caids) and pashas. Lower-order officials are appointed either by the Ministry of the Interior or by the governors. Each level has popularly elected bodies whose primary function is to help determine local matters and priorities, such as initiating development projects and deciding budget expenditures. At the end of the 1990s, government policy was moving toward allowing greater decision making at the local level.
Justice
In theory, the Qurʾān is still the source of law. It is, in effect, exercised by the qāḍīs (Muslim religious judges) and is limited to matters relating to the personal status of Muslims. Rabbinical justice applies to Jews. All other matters, whether they concern Muslims, Jews, or others, are in the hands of secular courts that apply a French-inspired legal code. The highest legal authority is the Supreme Court, which supervises a legal system consisting of courts of appeal, regional tribunals, magistrates’ courts, and, at the lowest level, courts of first instance. All judges receive appointments from the king and are supervised by the Ministry of Justice. The legal system, however, has not been immune to pressures for reform. Moroccan women, in particular, have sought reforms in the Mudawwanah, or code of personal status and family law, in an effort to change inequities in inheritance, divorce, and other matters that have traditionally favoured men. In 2004 parliament issued a new, more liberal, personal status code.
Political process
Members of the 120-member House of Councillors are chosen for six-year terms by local councils, trade unions, and professional associations. All 395 members of the House of Representatives are directly elected to five-year terms by popular vote. The constitution prohibits a one-party system, and many parties exist.
Political parties are generally either “pro-palace” or reformist in outlook. Legislative elections held in 1997 marked a significant change in Moroccan politics as a reform-oriented coalition overtook the pro-palace coalition. From 2011 until 2021 the Islamist Justice and Development Party (Parti de la Justice et du Développement; PJD) was the largest party in the parliament, but it struggled to gain enough support from other parties to govern effectively. In 2021 the parliament altered how its seats were allocated, and parties favourable to the king’s agenda retook the majority.
The Ministry of the Interior retains considerable power, as do the security forces. Islamist groups have remained active on the political front, presenting an ongoing challenge to the palace. Some of the more pragmatic factions, such as the PJD, were politically co-opted after their representatives were elected to the 1997 parliament, but more militant groups, such as al-ʿAdl wa al-Iḥsān, have retained a significant power base within the universities and among unemployed young people and have occasionally resorted to violence.
Although all citizens are franchised and have equal rights with respect to education, employment, private property, and the right to strike, in reality differences abound, especially with regard to women. Electoral quotas have increased the participation of women in legislative bodies: 90 seats are reserved for women in the House of Representatives, while one-third of the seats are reserved in regional and local bodies.
Security
The country’s military consists of the Royal Armed Forces—this includes the army (the largest branch) and a small navy and air force—the National Police Force, the Royal Gendarmerie (mainly responsible for rural security), and the Auxiliary Forces. Men aged 19 to 25 must register for conscription, of which a portion are drafted for 12 months of service; women register for conscription on a voluntary basis. Internal security is generally effective, and acts of political violence are rare (one exception, a terrorist bombing in May 2003 in Casablanca, killed scores). The UN maintains a small observer force in Western Sahara, where a large number of Morocco’s troops are stationed. The Saharawi group Polisario maintains an active militia of an estimated 5,000 fighters in Western Sahara and has engaged in intermittent warfare with Moroccan forces since the 1980s.
Health and welfare
Morocco has a relatively favourable ratio of physicians and other trained medical personnel to population. The government has emphasized preventive medicine by increasing the number of dispensaries and health centres. More than half of the rural population, however, still lacks access to these facilities. In addition, only a small portion of the rural population and not all of the urban population have access to safe drinking water. Infant mortality rates remain high, and at least one-third of the population experiences malnutrition. Diseases such as hepatitis remain prevalent, and disorders such as schistosomiasis are becoming more frequent with the expansion of irrigation.
Housing
Housing in Morocco ranges from the traditional to the ultramodern. In rural areas, some Moroccans still reside in ksour and agricultural villages. Living conditions in these places remain severe. Despite efforts by the government and some private groups to renovate and modernize the traditional medinas, access to public utilities in numerous city centres likewise remains limited. For many years the government tried to discourage the development of bidonvilles and other spontaneous settlements. More recently, however, it has provided these communities with electricity, piped water, and other facilities and encouraged residents to improve their structures. The government, along with private developers, has also promoted the construction of new housing units throughout the country, but these are largely inhabited by the middle class. “Clandestine” or illegal housing of a more permanent nature has grown up on the urban periphery. The government is seeking ways to regularize this type of housing by bringing it up to an acceptable standard and by providing it with basic services, albeit after construction has occurred.
Education of Morocco
Morocco allocates approximately one-fifth of its budget to education. Much of this is spent on building schools to accommodate the rapidly growing population. Education is mandatory for children between the ages of 6 and 15 years. In urban areas the majority of children in this age group attend school, though on a national scale the level of participation drops significantly. About three-fourths of school-age males attend school, but only about half of school-age girls; these proportions drop markedly in rural areas. Slightly more than half of the children go on to secondary education, including trade and technical schools. Of these, few seek higher education. Poor school attendance, particularly in rural areas, has meant a low rate of literacy, which is about two-fifths of the population.
Morocco has more than four dozen universities, institutes of higher learning, and polytechnics dispersed at urban centres throughout the country. Its leading institutions include Muḥammad V University in Rabat, the country’s largest university, with branches in Casablanca and Fès; the Hassan II Agriculture and Veterinary Institute in Rabat, which conducts leading social science research in addition to its agricultural specialties; and Al-Akhawayn University in Ifrane, a public English-language university inaugurated in 1995 with contributions from Saudi Arabia and the United States.
Cultural life
Cultural milieu
The area that is now Morocco has long been a crossroads between Europe, sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East, and diverse cultural and ethnic groups have migrated through the region and left their mark on it. Beginning in the 8th century, indigenous Amazigh culture was met with waves of Arab conquerors and travelers who brought with them the Islamic faith and the powerful influence of Arabic language and culture. The arrival of numerous Jewish and Muslim refugees from the Spanish Reconquista beginning in the 16th century left Moroccan culture with a lasting Andalusian quality, and starting in the 19th century, the influence of French culture began to grow—alongside French political power—in all parts of North Africa. French culture—along with the persistence of the French language—has continued to exert a strong influence on Morocco. Some Moroccans have also renewed their interest in Amazigh culture, and civic associations have been formed to encourage the study of Tamazight literature and oral traditions.
Daily life and social customs
Social life for most Moroccans still centres on home and family. The sidewalk café is a favourite gathering place for men, and watching a football (soccer) match on television in the local café is a popular form of entertainment. Big cities such as Casablanca boast a variety of diversions, including cinemas, restaurants, and shopping in modern boutiques or in the souk, the open-air market in which vendors sell a wide array of local arts and crafts items alongside foods and imported commodities. Morocco’s extensive coastline has numerous fine beaches, some of them private and off-limits but many of them open to the public and within easy reach of the city. On weekends families often spend the day at the shore, swimming, picnicking, and playing sports.
Moroccan cuisine has gained a following among connoisseurs worldwide, and the country’s rich agricultural regions provide ample products for Moroccan kitchens. Meat staples include fish, lamb, and fowl—including pigeon, which is considered a delicacy when baked in pastry, the b’stillah, a national favourite. Tomatoes, peppers, onions, and eggplants are among the numerous vegetables typically used in dishes, and fruits of all varieties are enjoyed. Bread is, as in all countries of the Middle East and North Africa, a deep cultural symbol as well as a daily staple. The premier Moroccan food, however, is couscous, a semolina-based pasta served with a meat stew. Kabobs of various types are common, as are salads and soups. Harira, a thick and hearty lamb soup, is served to break the fast at Ramadan and is a national speciality. The national drink is mint tea. Morocco is a wine-producing country, but production had begun to decline by the early 21st century under religious pressure that viewed alcohol consumption as inappropriate.
Moroccans observe a number of secular and religious holidays. Islamic holidays include the two ʿīds, Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha, and the Prophet’s birthday (mawlid); national holidays include Independence Day and the king’s birthday.
The arts
The production of Moroccan literature has continued to grow and diversify. To the traditional genres—poetry, essays, and historiography—have been added forms inspired by Middle Eastern and Western literary models. French is often used in publishing research in the social and natural sciences, and in the fields of literature and literary studies, works are published in both Arabic and French. Moroccan writers, such as Mohammed Choukri, Driss Chraïbi, Abdallah Laroui, Abdelfattah Kilito, and Fatima Mernissi, publish their works in both French and English. Expatriate writers such as Pierre Loti, William S. Burroughs, and Paul Bowles have drawn attention to Moroccan writers as well as to the country itself.
Since independence a veritable blossoming has taken place in painting and sculpture, popular music, amateur theatre, and filmmaking. The Moroccan National Theatre (founded 1956) offers regular productions of Moroccan and French dramatic works. Art and music festivals take place throughout the country during the summer months, among them the World Sacred Music Festival at Fès.
Moroccan music, influenced by Arab, Amazigh, African, and Spanish traditions, makes use of a number of traditional instruments, such as the flute (nāy), shawm (ghaita), zither (qanūn), and various short necked lutes (including the ʿūd and gimbrī). These are often backed by explosive percussion on the darbūkka (terra-cotta drum). Among the most popular traditional Moroccan artists internationally are the Master Musicians of Jajouka, an all-male guild trained from childhood, and Hassan Hakmoun, a master of gnāwa trance music, a popular spiritual style that traces its roots to sub-Saharan Africa. Younger Moroccans enjoy raï, a style of plain-speaking Algerian music that incorporates traditional sounds with those of Western rock, Jamaican reggae, and Egyptian and Moroccan popular music.
Cultural institutions
Morocco has a number of fine museums situated throughout the country. The Batha Museum, located in Fès and housed in a former 19th-century royal residence, specializes in historical Moroccan art and has an excellent collection of native ceramics. The Oudaïa Museum (founded 1915; also known as the Museum of Moroccan Art) is located near Rabat’s Oudaïa Casbah. Originally constructed as a private residence in the 17th century, the museum has collections of premodern Moroccan arts and crafts, as does the Dar El-Jamaï Museum (1920), which is located in Meknès. Rabat’s Archaeological Museum (1931) has a comprehensive collection covering the entirety of Morocco’s history. Morocco is also home to a number of learned societies, research institutes, and archives.
Sports and recreation
Spectator sports in Morocco traditionally centred on the art of horsemanship until European sports—football (soccer), polo, swimming, and tennis—were introduced at the end of the 19th century. Football is the country’s premier sport, popular among the urban youth in particular, and in 1970 Morocco became the first African country to play in World Cup competition. At the 1984 Olympic Games, two Moroccans won gold medals in track and field events, one of whom—Nawal El Moutawakel in the 400 metre hurdles—was the first woman from an Arab or Islamic country to win an Olympic gold medal. Tennis and golf have also become popular. Several Moroccan professional players have competed in international competition, and the country fielded its first Davis Cup team in 1999.
Media and publishing
Morocco’s government-owned radio and television network, Radiodiffusion Télévision Marocaine (RTM), broadcasts throughout the country. Radio broadcasts are in Arabic, French, Tamazight, Spanish, and English, while television is broadcast in Arabic, Tamazight, and French. In addition, a private television network is headquartered in Casablanca and a private radio network in Tangier.
There are about a dozen daily newspapers in Morocco, published in Rabat, Casablanca, and Tangier and written in both French and Arabic. Most are organs of political parties, whereas the remainder are owned by or sympathetic to the government. In addition, a rich variety of periodicals represent various professions, trades, intellectual interests, and avocations. The high rate of illiteracy, however, keeps readership low and makes television the primary medium for disseminating news and information.
History
This discussion focuses on Morocco since the 16th century. For a more-detailed treatment of earlier periods and of the country in its regional context, see North Africa.
Situated in the northwest corner of Africa and, on a clear day, visible from the Spanish coast, Morocco has resisted outside invasion while serving as a meeting point for European, Eastern, and African civilizations throughout history. Many of its early inhabitants, the Imazighen (Berbers), had adopted Christianity or Judaism, which were introduced during a brief period of Roman rule. In the late 7th century, Arab invaders from the East brought Islam, which the Imazighen gradually assimilated. Sunni Islam triumphed over various sectarian tendencies in the 12th and 13th centuries under the doctrinally rigorous Almohad dynasty. The Christian Reconquest of Spain in the later Middle Ages brought waves of Muslim and Jewish exiles from Spain to Morocco, injecting a Hispanic flavour into Moroccan urban life. Apart from some isolated coastal enclaves, however, Europeans failed to establish a permanent foothold in the area. In the 16th century, Ottoman invaders from Algeria attempted to add Morocco to their empire, thus threatening the country’s independence. They, too, were thwarted, leaving Morocco virtually the only Arab country never to experience Ottoman rule. In 1578, three kings fought and died near Ksar el-Kebir (Alcazarquivir), including the Portuguese monarch Sebastian. This decisive battle, known as the Battle of the Three Kings, was claimed as a Moroccan victory and put an end to European incursions onto Moroccan soil for three centuries. The 17th century saw the rise of the ʿAlawite dynasty of sharifs, who still rule Morocco today. This dynasty fostered trade and cultural relations with sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and the Arab lands, though religious tensions between Islam and Christendom often threatened the peace.
By the late 17th century, Morocco’s cultural and political identity as an Islamic monarchy was firmly established. The figure of the strong sultan was personified by Mawlāy Ismāʿīl (1672–1727), who used a slave army, known as the ʿAbīd al-Bukhārī, to subdue all parts of the country and establish centralized rule. Subsequent monarchs often used their prestige as religious leaders to contain internal conflicts caused by competition among tribes. In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, when Europe was preoccupied with revolution and continental war, Morocco withdrew into a period of isolation. On the eve of the modern era, despite their geographic proximity, Moroccans and Europeans knew little about each other.
Decline of traditional government (1830–1912)
During the French invasion of Algeria in 1830, the sultan of Morocco, Mawlāy ʿAbd al-Raḥmān (1822–59), briefly sent troops to occupy Tlemcen but withdrew them after French protests. The Algerian leader Abdelkader in 1844 took refuge from the French in Morocco. A Moroccan army was sent to the Algerian frontier; the French bombarded Tangier on August 4, 1844, and Essaouira (Mogador) on August 15. Meanwhile, on August 14, the Moroccan army had been totally defeated at Isly, near the frontier town of Oujda. The sultan then promised to intern or expel Abdelkader if he should again enter Moroccan territory. Two years later, when he was again driven into Morocco, the Algerian leader was attacked by Moroccan troops and was forced to surrender to the French.
Immediately after ʿAbd al-Raḥmān’s death in 1859, a dispute with Spain over the boundaries of the Spanish enclave at Ceuta led Madrid to declare war. Spain captured Tétouan in the following year. Peace had to be bought with an indemnity of $20 million, the enlargement of Ceuta’s frontiers, and the promise to cede to Spain another enclave—Ifni.
The new sultan, Sīdī Muḥammad, attempted with little success to modernize the Moroccan army. Upon his death in 1873, his son Mawlāy Hassan I struggled to preserve independence. Hassan I died in 1894, and his chamberlain, Bā Aḥmad (Aḥmad ibn Mūsā), ruled in the name of the young sultan ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz until 1901, when the latter began his direct rule.
ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz surrounded himself with European companions and adopted their customs, while scandalizing his own subjects, particularly the religious leaders. His attempt to introduce a modern system of land taxation resulted in complete confusion because of a lack of qualified officials. Popular discontent and tribal rebellion became even more common, while a pretender, Bū Ḥmāra (Abū Ḥamārah), established a rival court near Melilla. European powers seized the occasion to extend their own influence. In 1904 Britain gave France a free hand in Morocco in exchange for French noninterference with British plans in Egypt. Spanish agreement was secured by a French promise that northern Morocco should be treated as a sphere of Spanish influence. Italian interests were satisfied by France’s decision not to hinder Italian designs on Libya. Once these various interests were settled, the Western powers met with Moroccan representatives at Algeciras, Spain, in 1906, to discuss the country’s future.
The Algeciras Conference confirmed the integrity of the sultan’s domains but sanctioned French and Spanish policing Moroccan ports and collecting the customs dues. In 1907–08 the sultan’s brother, Mawlāy ʿAbd al-Ḥāfiẓ, led a rebellion against him from Marrakech, denouncing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz for his collaboration with the Europeans. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz subsequently fled to distant Tangier. ʿAbd al-Ḥāfiẓ then made an abortive attack on French troops, which had occupied Casablanca in 1907, before proceeding to Fès, where he was duly proclaimed sultan and recognized by the European powers (1909).
The new sultan proved unable to control the country. Disorder increased until, besieged by tribesmen in Fès, he was forced to ask the French to rescue him. When they had done so, he had no choice but to sign the Treaty of Fez (March 30, 1912), by which Morocco became a French protectorate. In return, the French guaranteed that the status of the sultan and his successors would be maintained. Provision was also made to meet the Spanish claim for a special position in the north of the country; Tangier, long the seat of the diplomatic missions, retained a separate administration.
The French protectorate (1912–56)
In establishing their protectorate over much of Morocco, the French had behind them the experience of the conquest of Algeria and of their protectorate over Tunisia; they took the latter as the model for their Moroccan policy. There were, however, important differences. First, the protectorate was established only two years before the outbreak of World War I, which brought with it a new attitude toward colonial rule. Second, Morocco had a thousand-year tradition of independence; though it had been strongly influenced by the civilization of Muslim Spain, it had never been subject to Ottoman rule. These circumstances and the proximity of Morocco to Spain created a special relationship between the two countries.
Morocco was also unique among the North African countries in possessing a coast on the Atlantic, in the rights that various nations derived from the Act of Algeciras, and in the privileges that their diplomatic missions had acquired in Tangier. Thus, the northern tenth of the country, with both Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts, together with the desert province of Tarfaya in the southwest adjoining the Spanish Sahara, were excluded from the French-controlled area and treated as a Spanish protectorate. In the French zone, the fiction of the sultan’s sovereignty was maintained, but the French-appointed resident general held the real authority and was subject only to the approval of the government in Paris. The sultan worked through newly created departments staffed by French officials. The negligible role that the Moroccan government (makhzan) actually played can be seen by the fact that Muḥammad al-Muqrī, the grand vizier when the protectorate was installed, held the same post when Morocco recovered its independence 44 years later; he was by then more than 100 years old. As in Tunisia, country districts were administered by contrôleurs civils, except in certain areas such as Fès, where it was felt that officers of the rank of general should supervise the administration. In the south certain Amazigh chiefs (qāʾids), of whom the best known was Thami al-Glaoui, were given a great deal of independence.
The pre-World War II period
The first resident general, Gen. (later Marshal) Louis-Hubert-Gonzalve Lyautey, was a soldier of wide experience in Indochina, Madagascar, and Algeria. He was of aristocratic outlook and possessed a deep appreciation of Moroccan civilization. The character he gave to the administration exerted an influence throughout the period of the protectorate.
His idea was to leave the Moroccan elite intact and rule through a policy of cooptation. He placed ʿAbd al-Ḥāfiẓ’s more amenable brother, Mawlāy Yūsuf, on the throne. This sultan succeeded in cooperating with the French without losing the respect of the Moroccan people. A new administrative capital was created on the Atlantic coast at Rabat, and a commercial port subsequently was developed at Casablanca. By the end of the protectorate in 1956, Casablanca was a flourishing city, with nearly a million inhabitants and a substantial industrial establishment. Lyautey’s plan to build new European cities separate from the old Moroccan towns left the traditional medinas intact. Remarkably, World War I did little to interrupt this rhythm of innovation. Though the French government had proposed retiring to the coast, Lyautey managed to retain control of all the French-occupied territory.
After the war Morocco faced two major problems. The first was pacifying the outlying areas in the Atlas Mountains, over which the sultan’s government often had had no real control; this was finally completed in 1934. The second problem was the spread of the uprising of Abd el-Krim from the Spanish to the French zone (see below World War II and independence: The Spanish Zone), which was quelled by French and Spanish troops in 1926. That same year, Marshal Lyautey was succeeded by a civilian resident general. This marked a change to a more conventional colonial-style administration, accompanied by official colonization, the growth of the European population, and the increasing impact of European thought on the younger generation of Moroccans, some of whom had by then received a French education.
As early as 1920 Lyautey had submitted a report saying that “a young generation is growing up which is full of life and needs activity.…Lacking the outlets which our administration offers only sparingly and in subordinate positions they will find an alternative way out.” Only six years after Lyautey’s report, young Moroccans both in Rabat, the new administrative capital, and in Fès, the centre of traditional Arab-Islamic learning and culture, were meeting independently of one another to discuss demands for reforms within the terms of the protectorate treaty. They asked for more schools, a new judicial system, and the abolition of the regime of the Amazigh qāʾids in the south; for study missions in France and the Middle East; and for the cessation of official colonization—objectives that would be fully secured only when the protectorate ended in 1956.
On the death of Mawlāy Yūsuf (1927) the French chose as his successor his younger son, Sīdī Muḥammad (Muḥammad V). Selected in part for his retiring disposition, this sultan eventually revealed considerable diplomatic skill and determination. Also significant was the French attempt to use the purported differences between Arabs and Imazighen to undercut any growing sense of national unity. This led the French to issue the Berber Decree in 1930, which was a crude effort to divide Imazighen and Arabs. The result was just the opposite of French intentions; it provoked a Moroccan nationalist reaction and forced the administration to modify its proposals. In 1933 the nationalists initiated a new national day called the Fête du Trône (Throne Day) to mark the anniversary of the sultan’s accession. When he visited Fès the following year, the sultan received a tumultuous welcome, accompanied by anti-French demonstrations that caused the authorities to terminate his visit abruptly. Shortly after this episode political parties were organized that sought greater Moroccan self-rule. These events coincided with the completion of the French occupation of southern Morocco, which paved the way for the Spanish occupation of Ifni. In 1937 rioting occurred in Meknès, where French settlers were suspected of diverting part of the town water supply to irrigate their own lands at the expense of the Muslim cultivators. In the ensuing repression, Muḥammad ʿAllāl al-Fāsī, a prominent nationalist leader, was banished to Gabon in French Equatorial Africa, where he spent the following nine years.
World War II and independence
The French Zone
At the outbreak of World War II in 1939, the sultan issued a call for cooperation with the French, and a large Moroccan contingent (mainly Amazigh) served with distinction in France. The collapse of the French in 1940 followed by the installation of the Vichy regime produced an entirely new situation. The sultan signified his independence by refusing to approve anti-Jewish legislation. When Anglo-American troop landings took place in 1942, he refused to comply with the suggestion of the resident general, Auguste Noguès, that he retire to the interior. In 1943 the sultan was influenced by his meeting with U.S. Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt, who had come to Morocco for the Casablanca Conference and was unsympathetic to continued French presence there. The majority of the people were equally affected by the arrival of U.S. and British troops, who exposed Moroccans to the outside world to an unprecedented degree. In addition, Allied and Axis radio propaganda, which called for Moroccan independence, strongly attracted Arab listeners. Amid these circumstances, the nationalist movement took the new title of Ḥizb al-Istiqlāl (Independence Party). In January 1944 the party submitted to the sultan and the Allied (including the French) authorities a memorandum asking for independence under a constitutional regime. The nationalist leaders, including Aḥmad Balafrej, secretary general of the Istiqlāl, were unjustly accused and arrested for collaborating with the Nazis. This caused rioting in Fès and elsewhere in which some 30 or more demonstrators were killed. As a result, the sultan, who in 1947 persuaded a new and reform-minded resident general, Eirik Labonne, to ask the French government to grant him permission to make an official state visit to Tangier, passing through the Spanish Zone on the way. The journey became a triumphal procession. When the sultan made his speech in Tangier, after his stirring reception in northern Morocco, he emphasized his country’s links with the Arab world of the East, omitting the expected flattering reference to the French protectorate.
Labonne was subsequently replaced by Gen. (later Marshal) Alphonse Juin, who was of Algerian settler origin. Juin, long experienced in North African affairs, expressed sympathy for the patriotic nationalist sentiments of young Moroccans and promised to comply with their wish for the creation of elected municipalities in the large cities. At the same time, he roused opposition by proposing to introduce French citizens as members of these bodies. The sultan used his one remaining prerogative and refused to countersign the resident general’s decrees, without which they had no legal validity. A state visit to France in October 1950 and a flattering reception there did nothing to modify the sultan’s views, and on his return to Morocco he received a wildly enthusiastic welcome.
In December General Juin dismissed a nationalist member from a budget proposal meeting of the Council of Government; consequently, the 10 remaining nationalist members walked out in protest. Juin then contemplated the possibility of using the Amazigh feudal notables, such as Thami al-Glaoui, to counter the nationalists. At a palace reception later in the month al-Glaoui in fact confronted the sultan, calling him not the sultan of the Moroccans but of the Istiqlāl and blaming him for leading the country to catastrophe.
With Sīdī Muḥammad still refusing to cooperate, Juin surrounded the palace, under the guard of French troops supposedly placed there to protect the sultan from his own people, with local tribesmen. Faced with this threat, Sīdī Muḥammad was forced to disown “a certain political party,” without specifically naming it, though he still withheld his signature from many decrees, including one that admitted French citizens to become municipal councillors. Juin’s action was widely criticized in France, which led to his replacement by Gen. Augustin Guillaume in August 1951. On the anniversary of his accession (November 18), the sultan declared his hopes for an agreement “guaranteeing full sovereignty to Morocco” but (as he added in a subsequent letter addressed to the president of the French Republic) “with the continuation of Franco-Moroccan cooperation.” This troubled situation continued until December 1952, when trade unions in Casablanca organized a protest meeting in response to the alleged French terrorist assassination of the Tunisian union leader Ferhat Hached. Subsequently, a clash with the police resulted in the arrest of hundreds of nationalists, who were held for two years without trial.
In April 1953 ʿAbd al-Ḥayy al-Kattānī, a noted religious scholar and the head of the Kattāniyyah religious brotherhood, and a number of Amazigh notables led by al-Glaoui (along with the connivance of several French officials and settlers) began to work for the deposition of the sultan. The government in Paris, preoccupied with internal affairs, finally demanded that the sultan transfer his legislative powers to a council, consisting of Moroccan ministers and French directors, and append his signature to all blocked legislation. Although the sultan yielded, it was insufficient for his enemies. In August al-Glaoui delivered the equivalent of an ultimatum to the French government, who deported the sultan and his family and appointed in his place the more subservient Mawlāy Ben ʿArafa. These actions failed to remedy the situation, as Sīdī Muḥammad immediately became a national hero. The authorities in the Spanish Zone, who had not been consulted about the measure, did nothing to conceal their disapproval. The Spanish Zone thus became a refuge for Moroccan nationalists.
In November 1954 the French position was further complicated by the outbreak of the Algerian war for independence, and the following June the Paris government decided on a complete change of policy and appointed Gilbert Grandval as resident general. His efforts at conciliation, obstructed by tacit opposition among many officials and the outspoken hostility of the majority of French settlers, failed. A conference of Moroccan representatives was then summoned to meet in France, where it was agreed that the substitute sultan be replaced with a crown council. Sīdī Muḥammad approved this proposal, but it took weeks to persuade Mawlāy Ben ʿArafa to withdraw to Tangier. Meanwhile, a guerrilla liberation army began to operate against French posts near the Spanish Zone.
In October al-Glaoui declared publicly that only the restoration of Muḥammad V could restore harmony. The French government agreed to allow the sultan to form a constitutional government for Morocco, and Sīdī Muḥammad returned to Rabat in November; on March 2, 1956, independence was proclaimed. The sultan formed a government that included representation from various elements of the indigenous population, while the governmental departments formerly headed by French officials became ministries headed by Moroccans.
The Spanish Zone
The Spanish protectorate over northern Morocco extended from Larache (El-Araish) on the Atlantic to 30 miles (48 km) beyond Melilla (already a Spanish possession) on the Mediterranean. The mountainous Tamazight-speaking area had often escaped the sultan’s control. Spain also received a strip of desert land in the southwest, known as Tarfaya, adjoining Spanish Sahara. In 1934, when the French occupied southern Morocco, the Spanish took Ifni.
Spain appointed a khalīfah, or viceroy, chosen from the Moroccan royal family as nominal head of state and provided him with a puppet Moroccan government. This enabled Spain to conduct affairs independently of the French Zone while nominally preserving Moroccan unity. Tangier, though it had a Spanish-speaking population of 40,000, received a special international administration under a mandūb, or a representative of the sultan. Although the mandūb was, in theory, appointed by the sultan, in reality he was chosen by the French. In 1940, after the defeat of France, Spanish troops occupied Tangier, but they withdrew in 1945 after the Allied victory.
The Spanish Zone surrounded the ports of Ceuta and Melilla, which Spain had held for centuries, and included the iron mines of the Rif Mountains. The Spanish selected Tétouan for their capital. As in the French Zone, European-staffed departments were created, while the rural districts were administered by interventores, corresponding to the French contrôleurs civils. The first area to be occupied was on the plain, facing the Atlantic, that included the towns of Larache, Ksar el-Kebir, and Asilah. That area was the stronghold of the former Moroccan governor Aḥmad al-Raisūnī (Raisūlī), who was half patriot and half brigand. The Spanish government found it difficult to tolerate his independence; in March 1913 al-Raisūnī retired into a refuge in the mountains, where he remained until his capture 12 years later by another Moroccan leader, Abd el-Krim.
Abd el-Krim was an Amazigh and a good Arabic scholar who had a knowledge of both the Arabic and Spanish languages and ways of life. Imprisoned after World War I for his subversive activities, he later went to Ajdir in the Rif Mountains to plan an uprising. In July 1921 Abd el-Krim destroyed a Spanish force sent against him and subsequently established the Republic of the Rif, which was formally constituted as an independent state in 1923. It took a combined French and Spanish force numbering more than 250,000 troops before he was defeated. In May 1926 he surrendered to the French and was exiled.
The remainder of the period of the Spanish protectorate was relatively calm. Thus, in 1936, Gen. Francisco Franco was able to launch his attack on the Spanish Republic from Morocco and to enroll a large number of Moroccan volunteers, who served him loyally in the Spanish Civil War. Though the Spanish had fewer resources than the French, their subsequent regime was in some respects more liberal and less subject to ethnic discrimination. The language of instruction in the schools was Arabic rather than Spanish, and Moroccan students were encouraged to go to Egypt for a Muslim education. There was no attempt to set Amazigh against Arab as in the French Zone, but this might have been the result of the introduction of Muslim law by Abd el-Krim himself. After the Republic of the Rif was suppressed, there was little cooperation between the two protecting powers. Their disagreement reached a new intensity in 1953 when the French deposed and deported the sultan. The Spanish high commissioner, who had not been consulted, refused to recognize this action and continued to regard Muḥammad V as the sovereign in the Spanish Zone. Nationalists forced to leave the French area used the Spanish Zone as a refuge.
In 1956, however, the Spanish authorities were taken by surprise when the French decided to grant independence to Morocco. A corresponding agreement with the Spanish was nevertheless reached on April 7, 1956, and was marked by a visit of the sultan to Spain. The Spanish protectorate was thus brought to an end without the troubles that marked the termination of French control. With the end of the Spanish protectorate and the withdrawal of the Spanish high commissioner, the Moroccan khalīfah, and other officials from Tétouan, the city again became a quiet, provincial capital. The introduction of the Moroccan franc to replace the peseta as currency, however, caused a great rise in the cost of living in the former Spanish area, along with difficulties brought on by the introduction of French-speaking Moroccan officials. In 1958–59 these changes generated disorders in the Rif region. Tangier, too, lost much of the superficial brilliance it had developed as a separate zone. As in the former French Zone, many European and Jewish inhabitants left. The southern protectorate area of Tarfaya was handed back to Morocco in 1958, while the Spanish unconditionally gave up Ifni in 1970, hoping to gain recognition of their rights to Melilla and Ceuta.
Ceuta, on the Strait of Gibraltar, and Melilla, farther east on the Mediterranean coast, continue to be Spanish presidios on Moroccan soil, both with overwhelmingly Spanish populations. In October 1978 the United States turned over to Morocco a military base, its last in Africa, at Kenitra.
Independent Morocco
The French protectorate had successfully developed communications, added modern quarters to the cities, and created a flourishing agriculture and a modern industry based on a colonial model. Most of these activities, however, were managed by Europeans. In the constitutional field there had been virtually no development. Though the government was in practice under French supervision, in theory the powers of the sultan were unrestrained. By French insistence, the first cabinet was composed of ministers representing the various groups of Moroccan society, including one from Morocco’s Jewish minority. Mubarak Bekkai, an army officer who was not affiliated with any party, was selected as prime minister. The sultan (who officially adopted the title of king in August 1957) selected the ministers personally and retained control of the army and the police; he did, however, nominate a Consultative Assembly of 60 members. His eldest son, Mawlāy Hassan, became chief of staff, and by degrees successfully integrated the irregular liberation forces into the military even after they had supported an uprising against the Spanish in Ifni and against the French in Mauritania.
In general, the changeover to Moroccan control, assisted by French advisers, took place smoothly. Because of the continuing war in Algeria, which Morocco tacitly supported, relations with France were strained; close ties were maintained, however, because Morocco still depended on French technology and financial aid.
A major political change occurred in 1959 when the Istiqlāl split into two sections. The main portion remained under the leadership of Muḥammad ʿAllāl al-Fāsī, while a smaller section, headed by Mehdi Ben Barka, ʿAbd Allāh Ibrāhīm, ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Bouabid, and others, formed the National Union of Popular Forces (Union Nationale des Forces Populaires, or UNFP). Of these groupings the original Istiqlāl represented the more traditional elements, while the UNFP, formed from the younger intelligentsia, favoured socialism with republican leanings. Muḥammad V made use of these dissensions to assume the position of an arbiter above party strife. He nevertheless continued preparations for the creation of a parliament until his unexpected death in 1961, when his son succeeded him as Hassan II.
In 1963, when parliamentary elections were finally held, the two halves of the former Istiqlāl formed an opposition, while a party supporting the king was created out of miscellaneous elements and came to be known as the Front for the Defense of Constitutional Institutions. This included a new, predominantly Amazigh, rural group opposed to the Istiqlāl. The ensuing near deadlock caused the king to dissolve Parliament after only one year, and, with himself or his nominee as prime minister, a form of personal government was resumed. In 1970 a new constitution was promulgated that provided for a one-house legislature; yet this document did not survive an abortive coup by army elements against the monarchy in July 1971. The following year Hassan announced another constitution, but its implementation was largely suspended following another attempted military coup in August. The second coup was apparently led by Minister of Defense Gen. Muḥammad Oufkir; he had earlier been implicated in the kidnapping (1965) and disappearance in Paris of the exiled Moroccan UNFP leader Mehdi Ben Barka, who had been regarded as a likely candidate for the presidency of a Moroccan republic. Oufkir subsequently died at the royal palace, supposedly by his own hand, while hundreds of suspects, including members of his family, were imprisoned. Elections held in 1977, which were widely regarded as fraudulent, brought a landslide victory to the king’s supporters. King Hassan’s forceful policies to absorb Spanish (Western) Sahara gave him increased popularity in the mid-1970s. This, in addition to his method of mixing efforts to co-opt the political opposition with periods of political repression, served to maintain royal control.
By the early 1980s, however, several bad harvests, a sluggish economy, and the continued financial drain of the war in Western Sahara increased domestic strains, of which violent riots in Casablanca in June 1981 were symptomatic. The need for political reform became even more pressing when international lending agencies and human rights organizations turned their attention to Morocco’s troubled internal state of affairs.
The threat of an Algerian-style insurrection fueled by a radical Islamic opposition worried the political leadership throughout the 1990s and into the early 21st century. The government has continued to closely watch the most militant groups. Along with the disaffected urban youth who occasionally took to the streets, the Islamist sympathizers have tested the limits of a new political tolerance. Thus, the 1990s were marked by greater liberalization and a sense of personal freedom, although direct criticism of the king and the royal family were still prohibited. Amnesties for political prisoners long held in remote regions of the country signaled a new attention to human rights, while much publicized curbs on the power of the police and security forces suggested closer adherence to the rule of law.
Foreign policy
The foreign policy of independent Morocco has often differed from that of its Arab neighbours. Throughout the Cold War, Morocco generally sided with the western European powers and the United States rather than with the Eastern bloc, whereas other Arab states usually chose neutral or even pro-Soviet positions. King Hassan helped to prepare the way for the Camp David Accords (1978) between Israel and Egypt by opening up a political dialogue with Israel in the 1970s, well in advance of other Arab leaders, and by continually pressing both Palestinians and Israelis to seek a compromise solution. Morocco closely supported the United States in the Gulf War (1991) and its pursuit of peace in the Middle East. Unlike other Arab states, Morocco has maintained ties with its former Jewish citizens who now reside in Israel, Europe, and North and South America. In late 2020 Morocco became the first North African country to normalize relations with Israel.
Morocco’s relations with neighbouring North African states have not always been smooth, especially those with Libya and its leader Col. Muammar al-Qaddafi (1969–2011). Shunning the Libyan leader’s volatile political style, Hassan nevertheless tried, in the 1990s, to reintegrate Libya into the Maghribī fold.
Events in Western Sahara disrupted relations with Algeria beginning in the early 1970s, because Algeria generally opposed Morocco’s policies there. Renewed tensions in 2021 over Western Sahara and Morocco’s normalization of ties with Israel led Algeria to sever relations with Morocco.
Western Sahara
From the mid-1970s King Hassan actively campaigned to assert Morocco’s claim to Spanish Sahara, initially using this nationalist issue also to rally much-needed domestic support. In November 1975, after a UN mission reported that the majority of Sahrawis wanted independence and recommended self-determination for the region, Hassan responded with the “Green March,” in which some 200,000 volunteers were sent unarmed across the border to claim Spanish Sahara. To avoid a confrontation, Spain signed an agreement relinquishing its claim to the territory. The region, renamed Western Sahara, was to be administered jointly by Morocco and Mauritania. By early 1976 the last Spanish troops had departed, leaving Morocco to struggle with a growing Sahrawi guerrilla group named the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Río de Oro (Polisario Front), actively supported by Algeria and later by Libya.
Hassan offered to hold a referendum in the area in 1981, but it was rejected by the Polisario Front leadership as being too much on Moroccan terms. Fighting continued, and Morocco was able to secure some two-thirds of the territory within defensive walls by 1986. In the meantime, the territory’s government-in-exile, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, won recognition from an increasing number of foreign governments. Improving ties between Morocco and Algeria beginning in 1987–88, along with a UN-sponsored peace proposal accepted by Morocco in 1988, augured a solution to the problem, but military action by the Polisario Front the following year prompted King Hassan to cancel further talks.
In 1991 a UN Security Council resolution promised the most definitive solution to Morocco’s claim to Western Sahara in 15 years. The resolution called for a referendum on the future of the territory to decide whether it should be annexed to Morocco or become an independent state. The promise of a referendum allowed for a cease-fire to take hold, buffered by UN peacekeepers, but Morocco and the Polisario Front were unable to agree on the makeup of the voter lists for the referendum, fearful of entering into an electoral process they might lose. Although agreement on other issues, such as political detainees and prisoners of war, was reached through UN mediation, stalemate over the code of conduct of the referendum continued, leaving the issue unresolved. By 2001 Morocco was no longer open to holding a referendum.
Amid renewed tensions, the Polisario Front announced in November 2020 that it would no longer observe the cease-fire brokered in 1991. The following month, in exchange for Morocco’s agreement to formalize ties with Israel, the United States became the first country to formally recognize Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara.
Hassan’s last years
By the end of the 1990s, King Hassan II had the distinction of being the Arab world’s longest-surviving monarch. He actively promoted a program of liberalization in Morocco and managed to recast an image of an old-style autocrat, reshaping himself and his country to reflect more progressive values. New political freedoms and constitutional reforms enacted in the 1990s culminated in the election of the first opposition government in Morocco in more than 30 years. In 1997 opposition parties won the largest bloc of seats in the lower house, and in March 1998 Abderrahmane Youssoufi (ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Yūsufī), a leader of the Socialist Union of Popular Forces, was appointed as prime minister. Under pressure from human rights organizations, Hassan also directed a vigorous cleanup campaign that led to the ousting and even execution of corrupt officials as well as the release of more than a thousand political detainees, some of whom had been held for nearly 25 years. Despite these major political reforms, the king retained ultimate political authority, including the right to dismiss the government, veto laws, and rule by emergency decree.
Hassan also guarded his status as religious head of state and carefully nurtured those aspects of his public image that garnered widespread support in the countryside and among the urban poor. Using public donations, he oversaw the completion in August 1993 of a huge $600 million mosque built on the shoreline at Casablanca, which features a retractable roof and a powerful green laser beam aimed at Mecca from atop its towering minaret. Paradoxically, his main political foes were also found in the religious arena, among the Islamic militants, whom he tried to hold within strict limits. But even at this point of contention, he showed some flexibility: In 1994 a number of political prisoners with ties to religious groups critical of the monarchy were pardoned by Hassan, and in December 1995 Abdessalam Yassine (ʿAbd al-Salām Yāsīn), the leader of the outlawed Islamic organization The Justice and Charity Group (Jamāʿat al-ʿAdl wa al-Iḥsān), was released after spending six years under house arrest.
The reign of Muḥammad VI
When Hassan died in July 1999, his son, Muḥammad VI, took up the reins of government and immediately faced a political maelstrom. Controversy raged in Morocco over government proposals to afford women broader access to public life—including greater access to education and more thorough representation within the government and civil service—and to provide them with more equity within society, such as greater rights in marriage, inheritance, and divorce. A liberal program of this type, in Morocco’s conservative and religious society, fueled dissent among Islamic groups, and a number of organizations—ranging from Muslim fundamentalist groups to members of international human rights organizations—gathered in large demonstrations in Casablanca and Rabat to support or oppose the government’s program.
As a series of popular demonstrations and uprisings swept the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011, on February 20 Moroccan pro-democracy demonstrators staged rallies in the country’s major cities to call for economic and political reforms. There were reports of sporadic clashes between demonstrators and police during the demonstrations. In March Muḥammad responded to the surge of pro-democracy activism in Morocco by vowing to advance political reforms such as establishing an independent judiciary and strengthening the role of the parliament in government.
In June Muḥammad attempted to head off the protest movement by proposing a new constitution that he claimed would curb his powers and strengthen representative government. The new document expanded the powers of the prime minister and parliament but preserved the king’s role as the final authority in all areas of government and gave him exclusive control over religious affairs, security, and strategic policy. Voters approved the new constitution in a referendum in July, over the objections of critics who charged that it did too little to open the political system.
The Justice and Development Party (Parti de la Justice et du Développement; PJD), a moderate Islamist party that had campaigned on economic reform and against corruption, won 107 out of 395 seats in parliamentary elections held in November 2011. In accordance with the new constitution, Muḥammad appointed Abdelilah Benkirane, the leader of the PJD, prime minister and charged him with forming a cabinet. The PJD and Benkirane took a generally pragmatic approach to government. The party was cooperative with the monarchy, which remained legitimate in the eyes of the Moroccan people despite the Arab Spring, and expressed a lack of interest in pushing legislation on religious issues. Its coalition’s close ties to the monarchy, however, prevented the PJD-led government from achieving significant reform. Still, the PJD’s popularity remained strong, and it expanded its representation both in local elections in 2015 and in parliamentary elections in 2016. Benkirane, however popular among the party’s supporters, was unable to form a coalition because of his uncompromising approach to coalition negotiations. The king dismissed him in March 2017 and tasked Saadeddine El Othmani, a PJD leader with a reputation for compromise and consensus, to form a government.
In the meantime, Morocco saw its worst unrest since the Arab Spring—in its Rif region, a predominantly Berber region (see Rif people) that had long been neglected and was one of the most impoverished regions of the country. Protests began in Al-Hoceïma after a local fish seller was crushed to death in October 2016 while trying to retrieve fish from a garbage truck. The fish had been confiscated by police who said it had been procured illegally. For many, that incident resounded as an example of how the government contributed to widespread poverty. Protesters took to the streets and demonstrations lasted several months. In late 2017 protests broke out in the city of Jerada after miners there died from poor working conditions. Both protest movements were repressed by use of force and by arresting organizers, while the government promised improved development initiatives.
Seeking to empower smaller parties, parliament passed an electoral law in 2021 that significantly raised the threshold for any party to win more than one seat in a district. The new allocation system, which lacked the support of the PJD, made it more difficult for parties with greater voter mobilization to dominate the parliament. It was hoped, moreover, that the change would also lead to a more diverse makeup of parliament. Meanwhile, the palace—rather than the PJD-led parliament—took charge in fighting the outbreak of COVID-19 in the country, a matter that appeared to register with voters when elections were held in September: although the PJD was expected to lose a handful of seats due to the new allocation system, the party in fact lost more than 100. The pro-palace National Rally of Independents (Rassemblement National des Indépendants; RNI) emerged as the largest party, and its leader, Aziz Akhannouch, was appointed prime minister.
Is Morocco originally from Africa?
